Mostly unreported as the
Ukraine conflict captures headlines, international financing has played a
significant role in the current conflict in Ukraine.
In late 2013, conflict between pro-European Union (EU) and pro-Russian
Ukrainians escalated to violent levels, leading to the departure of President
Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014 and prompting the greatest East-West
confrontation since the Cold War.
A major factor in the crisis that led to deadly protests and eventually
Yanukovych’s removal from office was his rejection of an EU association
agreement that would have further opened trade and integrated Ukraine with the
European Union. The agreement was tied to a 17 billion dollars loan from the
International Monetary Fund (IMF). Instead, Yanukovych chose a Russian aid
package worth 15 billion dollars plus a 33 percent discount on Russian natural
gas.
The relationship with international financial institutions changed swiftly
under the pro-EU government put in place at the end of February 2014 which went
for the multi-million dollar IMF package in May 2014.
Announcing a 3.5 billion dollars aid programme on May 22, World Bank
president Jim Yong Kim lauded the Ukrainian authorities for developing a
comprehensive programme of reforms, and their commitment to carry it out with
support from the World Bank Group. He failed to mention the neo-liberal
conditions imposed by the Bank to lend money, including that the government
limit its own power by removing restrictions that hinder competition and
limiting the role of state control in economic activities.
The rush to provide new aid packages to the country with the new government
aligned with the neo-liberal agenda was a reward from both institutions.
The East-West competition over Ukraine, however, is about the control of
natural resources, including uranium and other minerals, as well as geopolitical
issues such as Ukraine’s membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO).
The stakes around Ukraine’s vast agricultural sector, the world’s third
largest exporter of corn and fifth largest exporter of wheat, constitute a
critical factor that has been overlooked. With ample fields of fertile black
soil that allow for high production volumes of grains, Ukraine is the
breadbasket of Europe.
In the last decade, the agricultural sector has been characterised by a
growing concentration of production within very large agricultural holdings that
use large-scale intensive farming systems. Not surprisingly, the presence of
foreign corporations in the agricultural sector and the size of agro-holdings
are both growing quickly, with more than 1.6 million hectares signed over to
foreign companies for agricultural purposes in recent years.
Now the goal is to set policies that will benefit Western corporations.
Whereas Ukraine does not allow the use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs)
in agriculture, Article 404 of the EU agreement, which relates to agriculture,
includes a clause that has generally gone unnoticed: both parties will cooperate
to extend the use of biotechnologies.
Given the struggle for resources in Ukraine and the influx of foreign
investors in the agriculture sector, an important question is whether the
results of the programme will benefit Ukraine and its farmers by securing their
property rights or pave the way for corporations to more easily access property
and land.
By encouraging reforms such as the deregulation of seed and fertiliser
markets, the country’s agricultural sector is being forced open to foreign
corporations such as Dupont and Monsanto.
The Bank’s activities and its loan and reform programmes in Ukraine seem to
be working toward the expansion of large industrial holdings in Ukrainian
agriculture owned by foreign entities.
Amid the current turmoil, the World Bank and the IMF are now pushing for
more reforms to improve the business climate and increase private investment. In
March 2014, the former prime minister ad interim, Arsenij Yatsenyuk, welcomed
strict and painful structural reforms as part of the 17 billion dollars IMF loan
package, dismissing the need to negotiate any terms.
The IMF austerity reforms will affect monetary and exchange rate policies,
the financial sector, fiscal policies, the energy sector, governance, and the
business climate.
The loan is also a precondition for the release of further financial
support from the European Union and the United States. If fully adopted, the
reforms may lead to significant price increases of essential consumer goods, a
47 to 66 percent increase in personal income tax rates, and a 50 percent
increase in gas bills. These measures, it is feared, will have a devastating
social impact, resulting in a collapse of the standard of living and dramatic
increases in poverty.
Although Ukraine started implementing pro-business reforms under president
Yanukovych through the Ukraine Investment Climate Advisory Services Project and
by streamlining trade and property transfer procedures, his ambition to mould
the country to the World Bank and IMFs standards was not reflected in other
realms of policy and his allegiance to Russia eventually led to his removal from
office.
Following the installation of a pro-West government, there has been an
acceleration of structural adjustment led by the international institutions
along with an increase in foreign investment, aimed at further expansion of
large-scale acquisitions of agricultural land by foreign companies and further
corporatisation of agriculture in the country.
The experience of structural adjustment programmes around the developing
world foretells that it will increase foreign control of the Ukrainian economy
as well as increase poverty and inequality. As Western powers get ready to
impose sanctions on Russia for its transgressions in Ukraine, it remains unclear
how programmes and conditionalities imposed by the World Bank will improve the
lives of Ukrainians and build a sustainable economic future.
(theothernews)
Hakuna maoni:
Chapisha Maoni